“Talking to…Jesse Jackson,” by Charlayne Hunter-Gault, originally appeared in the January 1988 issue of Vogue. For more highlights from Vogue’s archive, sign up for our Nostalgia newsletter here.
Jesse Louis Jackson, a forty-six-year-old presidential candidate and one of today’s most dynamic political figures, grew up in the segregated South. He went to an all-Black high school, where he was the star quarterback and a popular leader, while also working at Greenville, North Carolina’s all-white hotel and golf course. That experience fueled his drive to move “from the back of the bus to the front of the polls.” An active part of the civil-rights movement in the 1960s as an aide to Martin Luther King and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Jackson represents the natural next step of that movement—a shift from protest to politics.
When Jackson first ran for president in 1984, his powerful voice on issues affecting the Black community earned him unprecedented Black support. The rallying cry “Run, Jesse, run” echoed from Black churches in the South to the living rooms of Black professionals. Since then, Jackson—married with five children—has worked to expand his base beyond the Black community, building a “rainbow coalition” of what he calls “the damned, disinherited, disrespected, and despised.” This time, the chant is “Win, Jesse, win.”
Charlayne Hunter-Gault: Early in this century, W.E.B. Du Bois said, “The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line.” What does it say to you that you are the front-runner among white candidates, yet most white people say they wouldn’t vote for a Black candidate?
Jesse Jackson: It depends on how the question is asked. If you ask, “Will you support a Black president?” the instinctive answer is often no. But if you ask, “Will you support someone who will stop drugs from coming into the country and jobs from leaving, who will fix our foreign policy and restore our credibility?” many would say yes. Does it matter if he’s Black? No—they just want the problems solved. How you frame the question matters, and people can rise to the challenge. My confidence comes from watching twenty-five years of significant social growth in this country.
I find hope in Archie Bunker. His daughter dates interracially. His son protests policies in Central America and South Africa. Archie complains about Black families moving onto his street—but he doesn’t move. He grumbles, but his children go to public school, not Catholic school. He works on an assembly line alongside Black and Hispanic coworkers. He’s in the stadium, in the bleachers, part of the rainbow. Over twenty-five years, Archie Bunker has become a better, more integrated person.
CHG: How do you view race relations today, especially after the violent racial incidents in Howard Beach, New York, and Forsyth County, Georgia?
JJ: There’s a problem when racial divisions are enforced by law and upheld by leaders. What’s different now is that there are legal barriers against racial violence. But many people absorb stereotypes indirectly through television, where Black and Hispanic people are often portrayed as less intelligent, less hardworking, less patriotic, and more violent. As we break down the walls dividing Americans, people will start to see how much we all share the same struggles.
CHG: No matter how you look at it, your relationship with Jewish people and your failure to reject Black Muslim leader Louis Farrakhan keep coming up.
JJ: It bothers me, but all you can do is keep reaching out. Reaching out goes both ways. You hope to build on common ground—a coalition for jobs, peace, and justice.We have more support among Jewish citizens than before. We can only hope that our relationship will improve.
CHG: To what extent does the media calling you a front-runner “for now” become a self-fulfilling prophecy?
JJ: I’ve learned to let underestimation inspire me, not depress me. The polls and the so-called political experts completely misread my last campaign. They couldn’t gauge how many new voters I’d bring into the process. They said I wouldn’t survive the campaign. They predicted I’d get a hundred delegates—I got four hundred sixty-five.
The last time I was on the cover of Time, the headline said something like: The real significance of the Jackson candidacy lies in the forces it may unleash. I think that’s a sound analysis. We unleashed a wave of voting across the South that changed the makeup of the U.S. Senate—even at the height of Reagan’s popularity. It freed up the Black vote and made the South more progressive.
CHG: How important is Super Tuesday?
JJ: Super Tuesday opens the door for a New South coalition that could shape the presidency and influence both domestic and foreign policy. In 1986, senators and representatives elected across the South won with only about 40% of the white vote. They won because of a new coalition, driven by a new generation of voters.
CHG: Black voters.
JJ: Yes. And these lawmakers used compelling arguments against Supreme Court nominee Bork—that he was an extremist, insensitive to workers, Blacks, women, and our right to privacy. For Southern senators and congressmen, that represents a historic shift in cultural and political outlook.
CHG: If you were to sweep Super Tuesday, it would create chaos in the Democratic Party. Democrats are trying to move the party to the center, and you’re pulling it to the left.
JJ: The issue isn’t left or right. Because of my presence, the party is more energized to move forward. My position is to cut the military budget without weakening defense. Now all the candidates agree with that. They also agree that corporations must pay their fair share of taxes, and that we need to shift from mergers and leveraged buyouts to reinvesting in America. Gephardt and Dukakis now agree it may be necessary to support the ANC in South Africa. That’s the success of my campaign—these candidates hadn’t taken those positions before.
Most politicians nurture their existing constituencies. I build and nurture new ones, using civil-rights techniques. I registered two million new Democrats who opposed Bork. That’s more than any other Democrat has done in the last ten years. So I built a constituency for myself and for our cause—fighting for the rights of the disabled, women’s rights, civil rights, workers’ rights, and for a coherent, sensible foreign policy in Central America and South Africa. This is politically achievable, intellectually sound, in our national interest, and morally right.
CHG: I want to follow up on morality. There’s a perception that America is facing a morality crisis, especially among politicians.
JJ: If someone’s behavior affects national interests and security, it’s fair to discuss it. But in a democracy, it’s a mistake to impose the strict ethical standards of one’s faith onto constitutional government. Some of the behavior the press is judging isn’t illegal—it’s considered sinful. The church deals with sin; the law deals with crime. Right now, the media is obsessed with sex and immorality. They’re less interested in sexism and racism, even though both are illegal.
CHG: Why are they less interested?
JJ: If you focus on racism and sexism, the lens might turn on those who write, publish, and produce the news. People tend to avoid writing about their own weaknesses.
CHG: Is it fair for a reporter to ask you about something true that happened in your private life?
JJ: That’s a matter between me and my famUltimately, my conscience and my God guide me.
CHG: But how important is character?
JJ: Character is very important. You cannot condone immorality or human weakness. However, you must understand that since no one is perfect, you simply have to accept the limitations of all public servants and get the best out of them that you can. Once you start judging private morality instead of focusing on public service, you move further and further from your goal, which is to uphold or create law. We respect freedom of the press for all the right reasons, but we also respect the right to privacy.
CHG: Could intense media scrutiny discourage people from entering public life?
JJ: I doubt it. It will probably lead people to be more discreet. It’s not going to stop someone who has the drive to be mayor, congressman, senator, governor, or president.
CHG: It’s assumed that even if you don’t get the nomination, you’ll play a major role in selecting the nominee. Can you give the party an identity?
JJ: Right now, I’m leading the mainstream Democratic Party. The party is defined by the people who make it up. It’s gaining an identity because it has new blood—there’s more water in the stream. Last time, hot and cold water came together without trauma. When that happens, the hot water cools a little, and the cold water warms a little. They flow together into a broad mainstream.
CHG: When I asked you back in ’84, “Are you going to win this nomination?”, you said there were all kinds of definitions of winning: registering more voters, getting more people concerned about issues. Is that still how you define winning?
JJ: That was correct then, and it’s correct now. We did register more voters. We are responsible for the Senate returning to Democratic control. We increased the number of progressive officials. We are winning. This time, we will win the nomination, too.
Frequently Asked Questions
Of course Here is a list of FAQs about From the Archives A Conversation With Jesse Jackson designed to answer questions from general to more detailed
General Beginner Questions
Q What is From the Archives A Conversation With Jesse Jackson
A Its typically a recorded interview speech or panel discussion featuring Reverend Jesse Jackson drawn from a media outlets or institutions historical collection Its not one specific event but a category of archival content
Q Who is Jesse Jackson
A Reverend Jesse Jackson is a famed American civil rights leader politician and Baptist minister He was a key aide to Dr Martin Luther King Jr founded the Rainbow PUSH Coalition and was a twotime candidate for the US presidency in the 1980s
Q Where can I find this conversation
A These archives are often held by news networks universities or cultural institutions They can frequently be found on their official websites YouTube channels or in dedicated digital archives
Q Why would I want to watch or listen to an old interview
A These archives offer a direct unfiltered look at history You hear the perspectives language and issues of the past from a major participant which can provide crucial context for understanding presentday social justice movements and politics
Content Context Questions
Q What time period is this conversation from
A It depends on the specific archive Jesse Jackson has been a public figure since the 1960s A conversation could be from the Civil Rights Movement era his presidential runs in the 80s or more recent decades focusing on economic justice
Q What topics does he usually discuss
A Common themes include civil rights voting rights economic equality foreign policy social justice political strategy and the ongoing struggle for racial equity in America
Q Is this different from his speeches
A Yes A conversation or interview is more interactive It involves questions from a journalist or host which can lead to spontaneous indepth or challenging exchanges that you might not get in a prepared speech
Advanced Analytical Questions
Q How has Jesse Jacksons message or strategy evolved in these archival conversations over time